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- <text id=94TT0970>
- <title>
- Jul. 25, 1994: Haiti:An Island Full of Fugitives
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Jul. 25, 1994 The Strange New World of the Internet
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- HAITI, Page 23
- An Island Full of Fugitives
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By Cathy Booth/Port-Au-Prince--With reporting by Edward Barnes/Ganthier
- </p>
- <p> The man sitting in the dark seems painfully thin, but he has
- gained 25 lbs. since Haitian police detained him for nine days
- last March. They stomped on his back, beat him with batons,
- kicked him with their boots. He survived on a liquid diet: the
- urine of his captors. He now lives on the run in Port-au-Prince,
- hiding with friends and begging for food.
- </p>
- <p> Johnson Aristide, a 25-year-old activist from Les Cayes, is
- no relation to the exiled President, but he is one of thousands
- living in marronage, or internal exile. While the world watches
- a flood of boat people go to sea, many more are on the run inside
- Haiti, hunted down for their political activities. Estimates
- of these fugitives range from 100,000 to 300,000 of Haiti's
- 7 million people. Marronage has its roots in the 17th century,
- when slaves in the French colony began escaping from plantations
- into the mountains. After the ouster of President Jean-Bertrand
- Aristide in a 1991 military coup, his supporters returned to
- the ways of their ancestors. They know the tricks of disguise--men often dress as merchant women--but the fear and frustration
- never fade. Families live apart, sometimes for years at a time.
- "You learn to live like a bat," says Aristide. "You fly at night."
- </p>
- <p> Thermil Salem is a soldier who worked as a driver for a group
- of antigang policemen who are feared for their brutality. Secretly,
- Salem supported President Aristide. "My teeth cannot speak about
- those days," he says. He served two jail terms. Living outside
- Port-au-Prince in a brick hut that also serves as a voodoo temple,
- he never goes out now. "They have spies all around," he says.
- </p>
- <p> In villages like Ganthier and Petit Trou de Nippes, half the
- young men live in the brush. They return to town in the morning,
- after the army patrols have stopped, to collect food and money
- from their parents. In Ganthier, the local priest says the men
- fled after soldiers discovered that they had formed a group
- to discuss politics. "They just want to kill somebody," he says.
- "The people are living in hell." Even the mayor of Port-au-Prince,
- Evans Paul, lives in hiding. Ever since paramilitary thugs shot
- up city hall last September, he has not returned to his office.
- He sleeps in a different house every night. "The threats are
- permanent," he says. "Most of the people here are dangerous."
- </p>
- <p> Unlike the others, Gerald Pierre was never a political activist.
- His only offense was to serve as the jury foreman in the case
- of Roger Lafontant, one of Haiti's most notorious Macoutes thugs.
- "I read the guilty verdict," he says, "and that is when my troubles
- began." A week after the 1991 coup, five men with machine guns
- came to his house and accused him of conspiring to condemn the
- now dead Lafontant. After two years' hiding in the countryside,
- he returned to organize a self-defense brigade in the capital.
- Soldiers encircled the slum and opened fire. He escaped and
- in desperation applied for refugee status in the U.S. In January
- an attache spotted Pierre near the processing center and opened
- fire, killing a friend. Since then, Pierre moves every two weeks.
- "I cannot live like this much longer," he says.
- </p>
- <p> Those like Johnson Aristide derive strength from a belief in
- the President's return. He issues press releases from hiding,
- demanding the resignation of military leader Lieut. General
- Raoul Cedras. "My dream is democracy. Telling me to stop is
- like telling me to stop breathing," he says. "I cannot."
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
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